Monday, November 15, 2021

‘Elections and the Illusion of Black Power’




Black Agenda Report’s Margaret Kelley writes a piece on how blacks, even when empowered electorally, are either not in position to serve and deliver for their people…and/or they don’t intend to do so.

Link:

Monday, November 8, 2021

The 2022 Midterm Elections, One Year Out


Last week’s 2021 gubernatorial elections in New Jersey and Virginia gave us enough of a preview for what is likely to come with the midterm elections of 2022. 

New Jersey and Virginia, which rank as the nation’s Nos. 11 and 12 most-populous states, shifted dramatically away from the incumbent White House party, the Democratic Party, and from the incumbent U.S. president Joe Biden. 

The midterm elections of 2022 will highly likely become a wave toward the White House opposition party—the Republican Party. 

At each of the levels of U.S. House, U.S. Senate, and U.S. Governors, the 2022 Democrats’s backs are electorally against the wall.

I will explain.

U.S. House

The Republicans, with the outcome of Election 2020, have 213 seats. It takes 218 for majority. They are just five [5] seats from winning over new majority. Not only that, percentage wise, that 213 of a required 218 amounts to 97 percent. Yes—the Republicans are 97 percent within reach.

U.S. Senate

With the results of Election 2020, it is a tie in the upper chamber of Congress. Republicans have 50 seats. They do not have majority given U.S. President is in the column for the Democrats and Joe Biden. That makes the tie-breaker vote cast by Democratic incumbent U.S. vice president Kamala Harris. One seat flipping Republican delivers the U.S. Senate to Team Red. Their current 50 of what would be an outright majority of 51 seats means they are 98 percent within reach.

U.S. Governors

The Republicans have current majority number with 27. The recent pickup of Virginia will make it 28 heading into the 2022 midterms. But, the electoral votes from the applicable 28 are slightly less than the 270 electoral votes required for the presidency. Republicans-held governorships, based on Election 2024 allocation of electoral votes, and counting their 2021 pickup of Virginia, comprise 265 of the required 270. This means they are 98 percent within reach with that level of electoral strength.


Looking at Past Examples

This reminds me of the 1980 Republican pickup of the presidency of the United States to Ronald Reagan and the 2008 Democratic pickup of the presidency of the United States to Barack Obama. Following the 1976 unseated Gerald Ford, the starting point for Reagan was a mathematical 241 electoral votes. (That is 89 percent of the required 270 electoral votes.) Following the 2004 losing nominee John Kerry, the starting point for Obama was a mathematical 252 electoral votes. (That is 93 percent of the required 270 electoral votes.)

The Republicans, heading into the midterm elections of 2022, have an even stronger advantage than 1980 Reagan and 2008 Obama. And the Democrats, as they are heading into the midterm elections of 2022, are reminding me of 1980 unseated Democratic incumbent U.S. president Jimmy Carter and of 2008 losing Republican nominee John McCain. The 2022 Democrats have little to no back support. 

There is more to consider.…


Involved States: U.S. House

Approximately 53 to 54 percent of U.S. citizens lives in one of the Top 10 most-populous states in the nation. According to their current ranks, they are: California; Texas; Florida; New York; Pennsylvania; Illinois; Ohio; Georgia; North Carolina; and Michigan.

I recently looked over the last four midterm-elections cycles in which the U.S. House flipped to the White House opposition party. This counted two such cycles won over by the Republicans, on the watches of Democratic-affiliated U.S. presidents Bill Clinton and Barack Obama, in 1994 and 2010. This counted as well two cycles won over by the Democrats, on the watches of Republican-affiliated U.S. presidents George W. Bush and Donald Trump, in 2006 and 2018. 

In each of those four midterm-elections cycles, no less than 7 of the nation’s Top 10 populous states contributed to flipping the U.S. House. In all four of those cycles, the nation’s Top 4 states were involved in flipping the U.S. House. California, Texas, Florida, and New York combine for nearly 1 for every 3 U.S. residents.

I have taken notice of electoral structures. 

Dating back to the 1940s, when the White House opposition party flips the U.S. House they tend to win a net gain of an estimated +3.50 to +4 seats with each percentage point nationally shifted in their direction. A 10-point national shift would yield pickups of approximately +35 to +40 seats. 

When it comes to involved states, the 1994, 2006, 2010, and 2018 cycles saw an average of approximately +1.75 to +2.00 net gains. The 1994 Republicans won a net gain of 54 seats from 31 states. (An average of +1.74 pickup seats from each involved state.) The 2006 Democrats won a net gain of 31 seats from 18 states. (An average of +1.72 pickup seats from each involved state.) The 2010 Republicans won a net gain of 63 seats from 33 states. (An average of +1.90 seats from each involved state.) The 2018 Democrats won a net gain of 40 seats from 21 states. (An average of +1.90 pickups from each involved state.)

The 2022 Republicans, to flip the U.S. House, need a national shift of +2 percentage points in their direction. Their 2020 U.S. Popular Vote was –3.12 percentage points. (Result: Democratic 50.81% vs. Republican 47.69%.) For involved states, the Republicans only need three states which, based on electoral structure, would deliver +5 or +6 pickups to reach a new majority for the U.S. House.

Wikipedia, with its report on the 2020 U.S. House elections, lists 37 Democratic-held U.S. House seats which were carried by +10 percentage points or less. Imagine if all were to flip from 2020 Democratic to 2022 Republican. Here is the math: 37 net gains in seats, divided by 10 percentage points, is an average of +3.70 net gains in seats with each percentage point nationally shifted [to the 2022 Republicans].

270toWin also lists those Democratic-held seats heading into 2022. I counted the number of involved states. Total is 21. This does not mean, when it all ends, that exact number is what will play out. There can be fewer states. Let’s say it ends up a total of 20. (An easy number.) Here is the math: 20 involved states, multiplied by +1.75, equals a net gain of +35 seats; 20 involved states, multiplied by +2, equals a net gain of +40 seats. (Source: Current House of Representatives Map (Heading Into Election 2022).)

The following map are involved states in which there are Democratic incumbents whose Election 2020 margins were +10 percentage points or less. The only Top 10 state not colored in blue is New York.




Potential States: U.S. Senate

If the 2022 Republicans end up flipping the U.S. Senate, they most highly likely will do so by starting with one particular state: New Hampshire. 

Maggie Hassan’s 2016 Democratic pickup in New Hampshire was a narrow +0.14 percentage points while using presidential nominee Hillary Clinton narrowly carried the state by +0.36. 

While the state’s governor, Chris Sununu, has not officially announced if he will run…if he does ends up running—and he does lead Hassan in matchup polls—Sununu would likely do so because he would win.

The following is the map of those potential states with Democratic-held U.S. Senate seats which may flip 2022 Republican. I use a color code to blend in yellow with the commonly recognized hues. Green is used for Democratic-held U.S. Senate seats which have the potential to flip Republican. Orange is used for Republican-held U.S. Senate seats which have the potential to flip Democratic. The point of including both possibilities is not because, say, five Democratic-held seats would flip Republican while five Republican-held seats would flip Democratic. It is to keep in mind, this far in advance, which states appear to be competitive. (I consider this to be a little early. We will need more polling.) 




Vulnerable States: U.S. Governors

The 2018 U.S. Popular Vote for U.S. Governors was a percentage-points margin of Democratic +3.07. Which also means Republican –3.07. (Result: Democratic 50.37% vs. Republican 47.30%.)

My sense is that there are fewer than ten states indicating a 2018-to-2022 shift toward the Democrats. So, that would leave 26 or more states which will be shifting in the direction of the Republicans.

This will make it not feasible for the 2022 Democrats to hold the U.S. Popular Vote. Just getting it to a margin of Republican +0.01 would deliver to that party a net gain of +3 states. (They already flipped 2021 Virginia. I sense more will come.)

The midterm elections of 2018 saw the Democrats end up with six [6] of the Top 10 populous states’s governorships. A Republican wave would likely take their four to at least six. Republican pickups of Pennsylvania and Michigan, which are leading bellwether states nowadays with No. 21-ranked Wisconsin, would move their four to six of the Top 10. 

The Rust Belt Trio each have Democratic incumbent governors. Pennsylvania’s Tom Wolfe is term-limited. Michigan’s Gretchen Whitmer and Wisconsin’s Tony Evers—both were 2018 Democratic pickup winners on the watch of Republican incumbent U.S. president Donald Trump—would become unseated. It would not surprise me if all three states flip. And, if that happens, it would move the 2022 Republicans to 31 states. That is…if Arizona and/or Georgia and/or Maryland—each with the potential to go against the national tide and shift Democratic—don’t flip from 2018 Republican to 2022 Democratic. If that happens, the U.S. Popular Vote for 2022 ends up the same as it was in 2018. That would lead me to anticipate three more states flipping Republican just to get a national margin to at least +0.01. Likely their additional pickups would be Kansas and two of the following three: Maine, Nevada, and New Mexico.

The following map uses similar color-coding as they appear with U.S. Senate. For U.S. Governors, I colored in Virginia light red because its 2021 outcome was a Republican pickup. Those states in green, currently in the Democratic column, are vulnerable to flipping Republican. Those states in orange, currently in the Republican column, are vulnerable to flipping Democratic. If all of them were to switch party occupancy, the 2022 Republicans would end up with a total of 33 U.S. Governors.
 

Monday, November 1, 2021

The 2021 Gubernatorial Elections: New Jersey and Virginia


This Tuesday, November 2, 2021, will be the gubernatorial elections in New Jersey and Virginia.

They are important, electorally, for good reasons.

New Jersey and Virginia are ranked the Nos. 11 and 12 most-populous states in the nation.

The two have long been considered harbingers for what will likely play out with the following year’s midterm elections. So, this is much about 2022.

In 2017, on the watch of Republican incumbent U.S. president Donald Trump, New Jersey became a Democratic pickup for Phil Murphy. (This followed two terms of Republican Chris Christie. His job-approval struggled to reach 20 percent. It was not feasible for 2017 Republicans to hold New Jersey.) Murphy won by a margin of +14.14 percentage points. In Virginia, the result was a Democratic hold for Ralph Northam. He won by a percentage-points margin of +8.93.

In the 2018 midterm-elections cycle, the Democrats won the U.S. Popular Vote for U.S. Governors by a margin of +3.07 percentage points. That was a good 7-point national increase from their losing 2014 margin of –4.09. The 2018 Democrats ended up winning a net gain of +7 governorships. 

In midterm elections, there are 36 scheduled gubernatorial elections. There are 9 which rank among the nation’s Top 10 populous states. (North Carolina is scheduled with leap/presidential years.) And just over 50 percent of U.S. citizens reside in a Top 10 state.

Recent polls indicate both New Jersey and Virginia have shifts heading in the direction of the Republicans. Even if both states hold in the 2021 Democratic column, this is not good for Democratic incumbent U.S. president Joe Biden and Team Blue. 

Virginia has been on a pattern of electing White House opposition-party governors since 1977. The pattern was, perhaps, interrupted in 2013 when former DNC chairman and 2008 Hillary Clinton campaign advisor Terry McAuliffe won a Democratic pickup while he defeated the state’s controversial attorney general and Republican nominee Ken Cuccinelli. 

New Jersey has been on this pattern, with no exceptions, since 1989. But, it may break this year because the U.S.’s two most recent consecutive presidential-election cycles, in 2016 and 2020, switched party occupancy in the White House. That doesn’t happen frequently. It previously occurred in 1976 and 1980. Before that, it dates back to 1888 and 1892 and 1896. 

My sense of the races are this: I predict New Jersey will end up a Democratic hold with a margin between +6 to +8 percentage points. (Republican nominee Jack Ciattarelli, a former member of the New Jersey General Assembly, has been able to cut into Democratic incumbent Phil Murphy’s 2017 margin. But, Ciattarelli appears to have arrived too late to surge sufficiently and make Murphy fight for re-election.) … Due to very recent momentum, especially over the last few days, Virginia will deliver a Republican pickup to Glenn Youngkin (with defeating Terry McAuliffe) by a percentage-points margin between +0 to +2. In fact, FiveThirtyEight is suggesting that Virginia—rated a Tossup—is more poised to flip. And I will include that information below.

(Next week: The 2022 Midterm Elections, One Year Out.)


Monday, October 25, 2021

‘No!’


The next two weeks, November 1 and 8, 2021, will address electoral matters. 

The first week will be timed with the 2021 gubernatorial elections in New Jersey and Virginia. They rank as the nation’s Nos. 11 and 12 most-populous states. The two states are often perceived as harbingers for what will come the following year.

The second week will be timed one year out from the scheduled 2022 midterm elections. That topic will, in fact, be published here on Progressives Chat on November 8. 

I will weight in electorally with both topics during those weeks.

This week, as we are closing out October 2021 (and a Happy Halloween!, come next Sunday, to anyone who wants the greeting), the timing is right for me to state my position.

“No!”

I will not vote for the Democratic Party.

My answer is “No!” to the Democratic Party.

There are so many reasons—easily understood by Progressives Chat readers and commenters—that there is no need for me to expend any energy. But, I will give this one reason (which is actually reason enough): I will not vote for a political party which rigs its primaries.

There is one more thing to say. 

It feels good.


What does not feel good is to say good-bye to another formerly listed Recommendation. 

Paul Jay’s theAnalysis.news is no longer included in “Videos.” It was mentioned, a few months ago, by a forum member here that Jay’s position on “Force the Vote” came across as if he didn’t quite understand what that was about—or, perhaps, he did to some extent but was not especially supportive. I missed that period. What I did not miss was the below video. 

Paul Jay comes across as yet another Voice on the Left who gives us one more talking-to about how the Republicans are so dangerous and it is only the Democrats who can save us. That we need the Democrats. 

“No!”

Replacing theAnalysis.news is economist Richard Wolff. 


Monday, October 4, 2021

‘Grayzone’: ‘CIA plot’ against Julian Assange




News from last week of the CIA having plotted against WikiLeaks publisher Julian Assange—for possible kidnapping and even assassination—was shocking to some. (It wasn’t to me.)

This is important. And, so, I decided to have this week’s blog topic focus on this recent news. And this is why I have two videos from The Grayzone discussing this at length.

Published to YouTube last Thursday [September 30, 2021], the above videos are described as follows:

 
‘Inside the CIA plot to kidnap, kill Julian Assange’

As the Biden administration continues to seek the extradition of Julian Assange, new details have emerged about the Trump administration's secret war against Assange and his organization, WikiLeaks. Michael Isikoff of Yahoo News discusses his team's explosive reporting on the CIA plot to surveil, kidnap, and even kill Assange—all overseen by Michael Pompeo. 

Isikoff and Aaron Maté also debate Russia's role in the Assange controversy, particularly the allegation that Russia stole Democratic Party emails in 2016 and gave them to WikiLeaks.


‘Behind CIA plot to kill Assange, and debunking “Havana Syndrome” propaganda’

Moderate Rebels live: Max Blumenthal and Ben Norton discuss the CIA's plot to assassinate or kidnap WikiLeaks journalist Julian Assange, which was first reported by The Grayzone in 2020. We also address the absurd media propaganda about “Havana Syndrome,” claiming without any evidence whatsoever that Official Enemies of the US government are attacking American spies with microwave energy, or sonic weapons, or ray guns, or... something.


★ ☆ ★ ☆ ★


From 40 to 46: Revising ‘Recommendations’

I decided to make some changes to what has been known as Recommendations.

Gone is that word.

Now, on the right-side bar, are Videos and Websites. 

(Regulars here at Progressives Chat know they are recommended.)

I moved over twelve sources, which were among formerly listed Recommendations, to what now reads as Websites. They are joined by journalists Matt Taibbi’s and Michael Tracey’s Substack columns.

The previous Recommendations which now reads as Videos have been reshuffled to some extent. Part of the reason is for a convenient segue between the last four listees—Useful Idiots, The Grayzone, Glenn Greenwald, and MintPress News—as they are also the first four listees on Websites. (It’s really about two forms. These four sources are available and recommended in both forms.)

Newly added to Videos is the new version of Useful Idiots with Katie Halper and Matt Taibbi. (The latter recently left Rolling Stone, not long after that publication and Halper and Taibbi ended their, say, partnership of their former Useful Idiots. Reshuffling The Katie Halper Show, to appear just before this newer Useful Idiots, makes some sense.)

I have also added to Videos Glenn Greenwald. (Sometime ago I added his Substack column.)

The two remaining Videos additions are: Garland Nixon, who used to co-host the morning-news/discussion program Fault Lines on Sputnik Radio (with a livestream simulcast); and, as he is described by Wikipedia, “comedian, actor, radio host, writer, and activist” Russell Brand, who has been delivering some truly progressive—and well-informed—videos which have Establishment Media pissed at him. (His YouTube channel launched in July. I should have added him sooner. Last week, The Jimmy Dore Show took notice and titled one of its video clips, “Russell Brand ‘Canceled’ For Telling Truth About RussiaGate & Hillary!”)

As of October 4, 2021, the combined total now recommended in Videos and Websites are 46. It would be nice to get their combined total up to 50. And I welcome any suggestions. (No hurry! I know it is also wise to watch for whether there are current listees, worthy of re-evaluation, who may need to go. That did happen, at different points in the year, with several who were previously recommended.)

I think this “Revising ‘Recommendations’” will give this site a more organized and efficient way to list—and to keep track of—which sources are very good, and [mostly] trustworthy, for Progressives Chat.

Since I have made these changes, I think it would be good to include one video from a new addition. It is simply an introduction video. And it is a nice one.



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